Primary Resources

Early Cold War

Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration, Waltham (NARA):

Galstoff Collection (RG-370, Box 2):
This collection of pamphlets, photographs, and other ephemera chronicles the United States’ nuclear tests at Bikini (Atoll) Island in the South Pacific in 1946.  Galstoff, the Marine Biological scientist assigned to test and monitor the effects of the blasts’ resulting radiation on fish, shellfish, botany, and other marine creatures collected a vast amount of photos and pamphlets on the series of tests which included looking at patterns of impact on the surrounding area.  The photos and pamphlets included in the materials collected from NARA are representative of three things: the relative infancy of the world’s knowledge of and the U.S.’s naivety regarding the destructive powers of the atomic bomb, the rising power of the U.S. and its military on the world stage, and the growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the U.S. and the quest to stay ahead in scientific knowledge and military might.  While a majority of the photographs show obvious impacts of the tests, including hundreds of shots of the mushroom clouds over the test sight, others show sunbathers on the decks of the ships as the bombs were dropped, animal test subjects which were present to give scientists an idea of the physical effects of radiation on the body, and many photographs of personnel aboard the ship.  The pamphlets describe the tests and the scientific findings, as well as lay out the need for nuclear testing and its importance to the U.S.’s presence on the world stage.  Finally, Galstoff’s scrapbook includes documents important to his mission on the U.S.S. Panamint, newspaper articles pertaining to the growing tensions between the U.S. and Russia regarding the tests, and an article describing the outcomes of Bikini.

 

            The National Archives collection of classified documents from the period between the 1918 Russian revolution and the period after WWII consists of many papers related to Soviet military maneuvers in Eastern Europe in the 1930’s, as well as briefings and state-sponsored articles discussing perceived threats from communists both abroad and in the United States.  Besides many state department documents collected here, there are also some materials from the Bureau of Investigation, the precursor to the FBI.

“Bureau of Investigation”
Filcher, Stuart. “In Re: Forsythe Baths, Election Fraud.”  New York: November 4th, 1918.  This memo is based on Agent Filcher’s investigation of a complaint filed by a local New York City resident that a gathering of about 75 Socialists had formed in order to disrupt the elections in the ward.  When he and other bureau representatives showed up to investigate the complaint, the owner of the property explained that the “Socialists” were really ward workers who were staying there so that they could begin their work on election day on time and with plenty of sleep, a custom had been going on for many years.  Filcher’s report refers to the work of another agent, Special Agent Brunswald, who evidently was the lead on the case.  The document is illustrative of the beginnings of the “Red Scare” phenomenon starting to take hold of the public after the Russian Revolution, partially due to the U.S. government’s anti-socialist propaganda war in the late 1910’s and 1920’s.

“Questions and Answers.”  While this document is not dated, it was published sometime in late 1918 or early 1919 by an unnamed group in the U.S. who were apparently sympathetic to the Soviet cause.  The “questions and answers” pertain to common questions about the structure of the new Soviet government and its benefit over the old system for the Russian population.  The bureau clearly confiscated the literature because of its communist and socialist leanings, an example of the pamphlets and treatises widely circulated before the crackdown of the U.S. government in the 1920’s and 1930’s during the Red Scare era.  

“State Department Records”
“Army Maneuvers, Latvia collection.” This collection of documents relates to a test of Russian military maneuvers in Riga, Latvia in the summer of 1931.  The papers include detailed memos translated from the original Russian transcripts of operations conducted in Latvia in relation to the testing of civil defense plans against “the attempts of capitalists to attack us.”  This perceived threat from the governments of the U.S. and other capitalist nations was used, according to the memos circulated by the state department, to mobilize the peasantry and recruit new members to the Communist Party in outlying areas such as Latvia.  Among the propagandist rhetoric in the memos is the repeated insistence that the capitalists were bent on the destruction of the Soviet Union as “the constructive socialism of the U.S.S.R. causes the hatred and malice of the capitalists.”  Other documents talk about the effects of the Great Depression on the capitalist countries of the world and discuss the relative absence of its impact on the U.S.S.R., the response to and successes of the trial mobilizations within the country, and descriptions of military parades intended to inspect the preparedness of the Red Army to combat the threat of capitalism. page 1 - page 2 - page 3 - page 4 - page 5

“Russian Maneuvers, Czechoslovakia, 1935.”  These documents are mostly memos about the 1935 military parades held by the Russian Army in Czechoslovakia, significant because of the country’s proximity to the Russian border and its shared border with Poland, the last line of defense between the U.S.S.R. and Germany.  In the memos, the possibility of Germany become a probable future enemy is discussed and explains why the Russians were holding military demonstrations in “border areas” such as Czechoslovakia and Latvia, to demonstrate their readiness in case of attack from Hitler’s forces. 

“Misc. Intelligence Documents.”  In the summer of 1939, the Russian government was stepping up its efforts to showcase its military preparedness in case of attack.  Its fears in 1935 of a possible German attack on the western borders of the Soviet Union had become a very good possibility when in the fall of 1939, Poland was invaded by the Nazis.  Two years later, Russian borders would be breached by the Hitler’s army and Russia’s fear of invasion substantiated.

“Arnold Margolis Correspondence.”  Margolis was a European immigrant and Boston lawyer active in the 1930’s in trying to get the United States to recognize the U.S.S.R. as a legitimate government.   The hope was that negotiations between the two countries could foster a relationship in which the U.S. could help the Russians to set up a more democratic form of rule.  While the economic philosophies of the two countries were radically different, Margolis argued, both were interested in letting the people make political decisions—the Soviets, he said, had promised after the revolution to eventually conform to a more democratic process—but until the U.S. recognized the legitimacy of the Russian government talks could not begin.  These letters are significant because it is a common plea of other American citizens, sympathetic to the Russian cause and concerned for the welfare of the average Russian peasant, that the U.S. involve itself in helping the Soviets move toward a more democratic process in elections and collective decision making.

“Suggestions Regarding the Desirability of Sending an Official American Commission to the U.S.S.R.” This document from the late 1930’s suggests sending a commission to the Soviet Union to determine what was being done to bring about a more democratic government in the U.S.S.R., as promised by the Bolsheviks after the Russian Revolution in 1918.  The concern expressed is that the American people were demanding that the government involve itself in helping the Soviets to form a new, more democratic society, replacing the dictatorship under which the Russians still ruled the various provinces and thwarting the possibility of this dictatorship spreading through the whole of Eastern Europe.  Essentially, the plan consisted of forming a commission to go on “fact finding” mission to give greater understanding to the U.S. government about the specific standing of the Soviets in keeping their promise to democratize. 

MIT Rad Lab Photos (RG 227, Group 35, Boxes P-C 001-003 and Box P-B 001).
            These photos document an ongoing project at MIT and Harvard in the late 1940’s and 1950’s to develop radar technology in response to the growing Soviet and broader Communist threat.  The photos collected here intend to the show the extreme secrecy of the project, as well as the role of local universities and defense corporations in the progression and development of Cold War technologies. The last 4 photographs in the series show a project developed on the beaches of Ipswich, a radar technology used to detect off-shore Russian submarines and other enemy watercraft.

 “Naval Records from Boston, MA—Daily Historical Logs, 1942 and 1945.” (RG 181, 17/03/01-05).  These excerpted logs are a collection of national and global top headlines, mostly relating to the war, from local newspapers such as the Boston Globe and Boston Herald. They are interesting in that they show the changing relationship between the United States and Russia at the beginning and end of World War II.  As evidenced in most of the entries from 1942, the United States suspends their mistrust for the communists to work with the Soviets as allies against the Nazi regime.  However, as the war progresses, Stalin’s Russia becomes the target of suspicion again in the United States press, as the Soviets begin to discuss their place in the new order in Europe.  Note that the logs are arranged chronologically, starting from the end of the year and working back toward January. 

Courtesy of the Boston Public Library:

Proquest Newspaper Articles (available through the BPL’s website)
            This small collection of articles briefly describes the proceedings of the Yalta conference, the event which many historians point to as the beginning of U.S./Soviet tensions over the division of power in Eastern and Western Europe, most specifically the administration of Germany after their surrender.  The compromises of Roosevelt and Churchill to appease Stalin and the Russians, whose military prowess, knowledge of the eastern front, and seemingly unlimited pool of manpower were integral in winning on the European and African fronts are eventually seen as the thrust that Stalin needed to expand Communism to Eastern Europe, resulting in the Eastern Bloc and the beginnings of the Cold War with the United States.

“History at Yalta.”  New York Times (1857-Current File); Feb 14, 1945; Proquest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2005).  Pg. 18

Hulen, Bertram D.  “Roosevelt Shaped 2 Yalta Solutions.”  New York Times (1857-Current File); Feb 14, 1945; Proquest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2005).  Pg. 1

Warren, Lansing.  “Yalta Parley Ends.” The New York Times. The New York Times British O...New York Times (1857-Current File); Feb 13, 1945; Proquest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2005). Pg. 1

Courtesy of Tufts University’s Digital Database Collection:

EBSCO Database Articles (these articles are generally available through online databases at public libraries and universities)
This collection of various articles from the 1920’s-1940’s discuss both pre-WWII relations with the Soviets and the emerging Cold War with Russia and its consequences, as well as some possible solutions to mend the icy relations between the world’s two newest superpowers.  The articles from the The Nation and The New Republic, both left-leaning publications, offer up opinion and editorial pieces presenting another side of the argument, opposing the traditional view of a majority of Americans “in step” with American Cold War policy.

“A Proposal for Atomic Peace.”  New Republic. Volume 121, Number 19, Issue I823, November 7, 1949.  Pg. 5-7.  This article discusses the problems with the post-WWII peace plan, in regards to how nuclear technology in the modern age will be policed. The argument is that both the Russian and American governments have opposing views on how to come to an agreement regarding keeping the world safe from the bomb and that a third, neutral plan needs to come to fruition to maintain world peace.

“Americans and Russia.”  New Republic.  Vol. 102 Issue 3, 1/15/40.  Pg.70-72.  The author of this article calls for radical, anti-Stalin Americans who complain about the abuses of Russia toward her people to focus on fixing the problems that plague the United States, citing that similar abuses are going on in U.S. cities and towns all the time.  The argument is that as bad as Stalin is, the Russian people have opportunities and freedoms that not all Americans enjoy and that those who call for Stalin and Russia to stop abusing their people should first try and fix the problems at home.

Bolles, Blair.  “The Fallacy of Containment.”  Nation.  Vol. 168, Issue 12, 3/19/1949.  Pg. 327-329.  Bolles’ main argument here is that containment will never lead to the end of the Soviet state, much less the cold war, because containment in itself cannot act as a deterrent nor a fear tactic to force the Russians to give up in spreading communism and socialism around the globe.  Instead, Bolles lobbies for the strengthening economic policies and political power globally, not the show of military might, as a remedy against the spread of Russian political influence.

Dean-Irwin, Vera Micheles.  “Those Nazi-Soviet Documents.”  New Republic.  Vol. 118, Issue 8, 2/23/48.  Pg. 21-30.  An article on a campaign by the United States government to blame the rise of Nazi Germany on Stalin and Russian appeasement, and the Russian response to the accusation.  The author calls for a truce in the scapegoating, asking instead for cooperation between the two world powers for the goal of world peace.

Fontaine, Maurice.  “Have We Recognized Soviet Russia?”  Nation.  Vol. 127, Issue 3307, 11/21/1928.  Pg. 543-544.  This article reads as a sarcastic open letter to the United States government and asks when the state department will officially recognize the Soviet government, hypothesizing that this recognition may have already happened with a signature and deposit of a treaty in Washington by the Russians. 

Ickes, Harold L.  “Tossing Peace Overboard.”  New Republic.  Vol. 121, Issue 23, 12/5/1949.  Pg. 17.  Ikes’ article asks for the reconsideration of United States’ plan for rearming West Germany, which he sees as a step toward the eventual overthrow of European peace.

Laski, Harold J.  “Getting on With Russia.”  Nation.  Vol. 166, Issue 2, 1/10/1948.  Pg. 34-37.  Laski asks the American government to take steps to help the Soviets to move toward democracy and not work against it because they do not philosophically agree with the socialist agenda of Moscow.  Laski believes that instead of working against the Soviets and giving them more reason to mistrust the U.S. and democracy, the American leadership in Washington should support Moscow in rebuilding Russian infrastructure and helping the poor peasantry recover from the extreme devastation caused to Russia by WWII.  In this, Laski argues, the United States would accomplish bringing a more democratic process to Russian political and social systems, ultimately making the socialist system more palatable to the non-Communist countries of the world and bringing Soviet dictatorships to an end.

“Living with the USSR.”  New Republic.  Vol. 114, Issue 14, 4/8/1946.  Pg. 462-463.  This article asks that the U.S. be flexible in its diplomatic relations with Russia, citing that by staying the course and denouncing the U.S.S.R., the U.S. only pushes the Soviets to further resist cooperation and retreat into further isolationism.  It also discusses the problems with the U.N. and the Russian position within the security council, which to the Soviets seems like a losing collaboration in view of their political and social interests.

Mandel, William.  “Getting Along with Russia.”  New Republic.  Vol. 113, Issue 9, 8/27/45.  Pg. 245-247.  Mandel’s article maintains that for over 100 years, Russia and the U.S. had held diametrically opposing political viewpoints and social systems, yet Russia was the only world power in those years that the U.S. had not fought against in a war.  Mandel calls for a continuation of this foreign policy, stating that a strategy of economic cooperation and of collaboration between the U.S. and Russia to keep elements of fascism at bay in the world is the best way of maintaining world peace and should be a political priority.

Pearson, Drew.  “The ‘Unspeakable’ Russians.”  New Republic.  Vol. 61, Issue 791, 1/29/30.  Pg. 269-271. Pearson’s article focuses on the U.S.’ refusal to recognize the Soviet state, at the same time that private citizens and even parts of the U.S. government continued to carry on economic and diplomatic relations with them.  Pearson blames the snubs of policy makers on their steadfastness and their shortsightedness in seeing the advantages of dealing with the U.S.S.R., either on an economic or political level, even with the proof that such collaborations are profitable, as shown by the successes of those that continued to deal with Russia after the revolution. 

Soule, George.  “An American Policy Toward Russia.”  New Republic.  Vol. 67, Issue 861, 6/3/31.  Pg. 61-65.  This article argues that American policies toward Russia are misguided and that while the U.S. disagrees with the Soviets on a cultural and political level, they have no problem trading and carrying on economic relations with the communist country.  The conclusion is that while the U.S. disagrees with the Communists, they cannot condemn their economic policy because the capitalist plan is not working under the conditions of the Great Depression either.  Soule concludes that in order to get the economic crisis under control, the opposing sides need to be able to work together to reach some sort of compromise so that both systems can achieve some kind of balance and the world depression is alleviated. 

Straight, Michael.  “Fixing the Blame for the Cold War.”  New Republic.  Vol. 117, Issue 11, 9/15/47.  Pgs. 10-12.  Straight’s argument is that the Cold War is based on two things: that the U.S. and Soviets are so concerned about getting people to take sides that they lose sight of the ultimate goal, world peace, and that in order for the world to live in peace the Russians and Americans need to come to an agreement to coexist even if their philosophical ideas do not match up.  Ultimately, Straight blames the Cold War on a need to divvy up the world into “Capitalist” and “Communist,” while the real goal should be to come together to improve the lives of the people around the globe and not set them against each other in a fight for resources and the favors of the two silently-warring superpowers.

Szilard, Leo.  “America, Russia, and the Bomb.”  New Republic.  Vol. 121 Issue 18, 10/31/49. Pg. 11-13.  Szilard’s article argues that nuclear peace lies with the Americans and Russians, proposing that rethinking the terms and conditions on which the present plan rests is the only way to assure that it works, through means of international cooperation and not fear of punishment.

Villard, Oswald Garrison.  “Our Attitude Toward Russia.”  Nation.  Vol. 131, Issue 3397, 8/13/1930.  Pg. 172-173.  Villard’s starting argument follows the old adage, “Do not judge lest ye be judged,” stating that the United States’ policy toward Russia should not be driven by the disapproval of the government toward Soviet political and social systems.  After all, Villard argues, are our systems not marred by civil rights violations and inequalities?  Instead, he first proposes the recognition of the Soviet government. Next, he asks for the formation of diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Russians, giving the Soviets the opportunity to see democracy in action for themselves and not being compelled by force or intimidation to recognize the benefits of the democratic and capitalist systems.  Thirdly, the U.S. must treat the Russian people as having equal footing with the rest of the world, no matter what their political and social beliefs, in order to gain their confidence.  Lastly, trade and economic relations with the Soviets must be maintained to assure a solid relationship with them.  Basically, Villard concludes that the only way to bring the Communists back to something more in step with capitalism is for them to see that it is a more advantageous system through the eventual failure of their own doctrines, and not by vilifying and fighting against them.

Wallace, Henry.  “My Alternative for the Marshall Plan.”  New Republic.  Vol. 118, Issue 2, 1/12/48.  Pg. 13-14.  Wallace uses his column to reiterate his plan for world collaboration through the U.N. to help Europe recover from WWII and to avoid another world war, taking U.S. government policy to task for supporting corrupt governments in places like Greece and Turkey to avoid their fall to Communism.  Wallace argues that this policy of helping to avoid a socialist takeover by installing puppet leaders and pouring money into corrupt administrations, as well as continually souring relations with Russia, whom Wallace sees as needed allies to combat world fascism, is a sure way to wreck the reestablishment of an economically and politically strong Europe.  Finally, Wallace calls for the U.S. to practice what it preaches, calling for real “democracy” in the United States—with the elimination of Jim Crow Laws, poll taxes, and limits to suffrage rights, as well as the restoration of civil liberties—in order to show the rest of the world that it is serious in promoting world peace under a truly democratic system of government. 

Wallace, Henry.  “An Open Letter to Secretary Marshall.”  New Republic.  Vol. 116 Issue 3, 1/20/1947.  Pg. 18-19.  This letter, addressed from Wallace to his personal and political friend Marshall, asks the new secretary of state to break with the old order of things and encourage the U.S. government to think about world politics in a new light, asking for change and not the status quo.  Wallace argues that the world is ready for political change and old European countries, newly-inspired colonies, and infant countries are begging for a change to the old regimes which have brought them nothing but poverty, hunger, and war.  Wallace asks his friend to keep an open mind and give the U.S. a chance to compete with Russia in terms of offering new alternatives to countries looking for an ally in building new systems of government based on hope for change and not on perpetuating the old systems of misery.

Wallace, Henry.  “The Tyrant’s Doctrine.”  New Republic.  Vol. 118, Issue 21, 5/24/48.  Pg. 11.  Wallace’s focus in this article is the Mundt Bill, which was part of the legislation passed in the late 1940’s and 1950’s in order to “combat Communism at home.”  Essentially, Wallace takes the platform that the U.S. government, in passing these types of bills and essentially condemning individuals suspected of sympathizing with communism or other “subversive ideologies,” are moving toward a more fascist system than the one that they condemn.  Wallace, a target of some “anti-Communist” rhetoric by political figures such as Richard Nixon, J. Edgar Hoover, and others, is just one of thousands who would be accused of communist leanings based on their political beliefs.  As Wallace explains, “I advocate peace with Russia and [because of] that I, along with millions of others, am, therefore, a fellow traveler of the Communists.” 

“Washington Wire.”  New Republic.  Vol. 121, Issue 22, 11/28/1949.  Pg. 3-4.  The first part of the “Washington Wire” editorial brings into question the validity of and seeming lack of concern on the part of the U.S. government in arming the West Germans by the military just 4 years after the defeat of the Nazis in WWII.  This proposed rearming of German forces, in response to the “growing threat” of the Russians behind the Iron Curtain, is explained by the article to be one of economic and resource-related reasons.  In addition, on the second page of the article, there is a letter responding to another article included here (“A Proposal for Atomic Peace.”).

Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society:

“Massachusetts Public Interest League (MPIL).” Call #: Ms N-514 (on microfilm P-486).
The MPIL was an organization dedicated to the exposure of “subversive groups” (they started as an anti-suffrage organization) in the late 1910’s and 1920’s, mainly Communist and Socialist groups throughout the United States.  While the league was originally a product of Boston’s upper class, the organization had satellite groups all over the country by 1930.  This group of articles and letters represents materials that the league dispersed and produced between the years of the two World Wars and illustrates the pervasive fears of many middle- and upper-class Americans who saw Communism as a viable threat to the future of the United States in the early part of the 20th century.

Baron, C.W. “Peace Finance: Foundations in International Socialism.”  Boston News Bureau: Article No. XXVI, October 1919.”  This article discusses the history and founding of socialism, including the philosophies behind adapting Marx’s economic and social theories into what became modern-day Russian Communism. 

Robinson, Margaret “To the Editors of Harper’s Magazine.”  September 28th, 1928.  This letter thanks the editor of Harper’s for including an article by Oswald Villard which recognized her for her commitment to her cause without seeking monetary reward, but then goes on to chastise him for his dismissal of the true threat of communism in the U.S., citing the activities of “foreign agitators” in Boston as evidence that subversive activities are all around and that people like Villard who don’t take the menace of these activities seriously are part of the problem.

Smith, Rev. Crawford O. Smith.  “Items of Interest.”  Industrial Defense Association, Inc. Brookline, MA: January 23, 1929.  Smith’s report on the talk of Mr. Scott Nearing in Boston.  Smith describes him as a respected friend of the Russian communist and enemy of democracy, his fiery speech full of rhetoric denouncing the Hoover administration, the Sacco-Vanzetti trial and its outcome, and the United States in general. Smith accuses Nearing and the organizers of the talk of being “destructive to the best interests of our Government, Christianity, and civilization, agitating, arousing class hatred, stirring up discontent, encouraging the spirit of revolt in the hearts of his audience, most of whom, I would say, were foreign-born. There was not one world of commendation for any one phase of our own Government. Thus it was a most subversive and destructive discourse.” 

“Dear Mr. Whitney (Youth Groups and Communism).”  January 28 (no year).  Presumably written by a member of the MPIL, this letter outlines the need for monitoring the youth groups and their vulnerability at being infiltrated by communism.  It is possible that this letter was written by Margaret Robinson (long-time president of the MPIL) in response to an invitation to write an article for “The Truth About the Red Movement” pamphlet, included with these readings.  Ms. Robinson wrote Chapter Six of that pamphlet, entitled, “The Youth Movement; What Is It?”

“The Massachusetts Public Interests League.”  Boston: March 1, 1922.  This document outlines the MPIL’s history and mission statement.

“Pacifism and Revolution.”  May 1928.  This article argues that those people advocating disarmament, pacifism, and peace with Communist Russia are playing right into the conniving hands of the enemy and that the only way to defeat communism is to be constantly vigilant against it.

“Propaganda in Women’s Colleges.” No date.  A plea to parents of college girls to be aware of the dangers of communist doctrine infiltrating the women’s colleges of the United States and steps to take against their daughters being converted to communist sympathizers. 

“Socialism versus Americanism.”  The National Republic: April 25, 1925. (Reprint)  A document explaining the differences between socialism and democracy and the virtues of Americanism over Socialism.

“The Red in Education.”  Ottumwa Courier: August 31, 1922. (Reprint)  An article asserting that the Communists are bent on infiltrating the United States through the American education system and the American youths.  It states that through their treachery and wiles, American Communists and Socialist sympathizers teach the children of America the perceived virtues of socialism.  Besides accusing the public schools and universities of subversive activities, several prominent literary and public figures are named explicitly in the article, including Jack London and Upton Sinclair, as being enemies of democracy.

“The Truth About the Red Movement.”  Iron Trade Review: Cleveland, OH.  (Reprint—no date).  This collection of articles on various topics of the anti-socialist and communist movements in the United States discusses things such as the threat of communists to American industry, the plans of communists to infiltrate and destroy the American democratic system, the infiltration of American clubs, educational institutions, and youth organizations by communists, and the responsibilities of the American public to the preservation of democracy.

“What About Socialism?”  The Independent: February 16, 1924. (Reprint).  A short history of world socialism and its future after the founding of Bolshevism in Russia. 

 

“Benjamin Kendall Emerson papers.” Call #: Ms-1175.
Dr. (Major) Kendall Emerson traveled across Russia and Siberia in the earliest years after the Russian Revolution, keeping a detailed journal of what he saw and heard.  His journals discuss everything from daily military and political events to conversations that Emerson had with the Russian people he came into contact with and give an excellent description of the Soviet Union and the political entity in its infancy.  Emerson at times is unapologetic and admonishes the new government for its treatment of the Russian people; his scathing commentary on the brutality and lack of civility that the Russians show in matters of war and their struggle to gain complete control over the political reins in the outlying areas such as Siberia mirrors the commentary of other Americans that visited the area at the time. 

“Letters to Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Landers.” Call #: MsS-907.
            A collection of letters from various political leaders from Massachusetts and from around the globe, pertaining to Mrs. Landers’ fiercely anti-communist viewpoint.  Mrs. Landers wrote to the various leaders represented in the collection, including Kyung Mu Dai (Korea), Rep. Donald Nicholson, and Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. about her desire to do more to fight communism at home.  These letters are responses to her original correspondences.